By JOHN L.
ALLEN JR.
At
no other point during the year is the pope before the public eye as much
as during Holy Week. From Holy Thursday through Pasquetta (the Monday
after Easter Sunday), there’s a minimum of one public appearance a day.
Most liturgies stretch over at least a couple of hours.
How
John Paul II holds up has thus become the most-watched annual bellwether
of his physical condition.
This
year, the verdict was largely positive. The pope kept all his appointments,
celebrated all his Masses and delivered all his public addresses, including
the annual Easter Sunday Urbi et Orbi greetings in 62 languages.
He
did so with verve. When building to rhetorical high points, such as any
mention of Iraq or the need for peace, the pope’s voice became clear, strong,
and booming. He was unusually comprehensible, even to people who didn’t
have a text. At the end of the Urbi et Orbi remarks, the pope broke
into song for the final greeting in Latin. (“The last language is the first!”
he cheerfully quipped). The bit of bravado brought cheers from the crowd
of 60,000 that had braved a rainy day in St. Peter’s Square.
One
factor explaining the pope’s robust condition is his new rolling hydraulic
chair. The device allows the pope to be wheeled into place in the sanctuary,
and then raised up to the altar so he does not have to stand while celebrating
the Eucharist. John Paul has aggravated arthritis in the right knee, so
standing is wearying. Now he stands only for the reading of the gospel.
For the same reason, the pope no longer walks the Stations of the Cross
on Good Friday. This year he held the cross in a seated position during
the 14th station.
In
typically discreet Vatican fashion, no one is referring to the chair with
wheels as a “wheelchair.” Instead it is a “wheeled throne.”
Some
have speculated that the improvement in the pope is due to a change in
his medical regimen. French physician Luc Montagnier, credited with
having co-discovered the HIV virus, fueled this speculation last summer
by saying he had given the pope pills based on papaya extract. Given the
pope’s improvement, sales of the pills have skyrocketed in France, despite
denials that John Paul is using them.
According
to Joaquín Navarro-Walls, the Vatican spokesperson, Montagnier’s
pills had been handed over to Dr. Renato Buzzonetti, the pope’s physician,
who examined them and concluded that they amounted to an anti-oxidant,
which the pope was already receiving. (Anti-oxidants are a standard treatment
for Parkinson’s disease).
Navarro
said there has been no change in the pope’s medical routine.
The
bottom line seems to be that while the pope is elderly (he will be 83 on
May 18) and limited physically, he shows no sign of imminent decline, and
every indication is that he remains sharp intellectually and psychologically.
Certainly John Paul’s aides are showing no signs of winding down; they
have scheduled trips for the pope to Spain in May and Croatia in June,
with outings to Mongolia, Bosnia, Slovakia, and the European Parliament
also in the works later this year.
Montagnier,
by the way, is now proposing his papaya pills as a treatment for the SARS
virus.
*
* *
John
Paul II rarely missed an opportunity during Holy Week to signal his concern
for the Iraq war and its aftermath.
On
Holy Thursday, the pope directed that the collection go to war relief efforts.
Each year, the pope chooses a destination for these funds that betokens
his concern for a particular place; in the past, recipients have included
victims of earthquakes in Latin America and of civil war in Africa. On
Good Friday, four Iraqis were asked to carry the cross for the 12th
and 13th Stations of the Cross during the annual Via Crucis
procession at Rome’s Coliseum.
The
highpoint came during the pope’s Easter message, delivered to a worldwide
television audience in 53 countries. Normally papal addresses during a
liturgy are a solemn affair, but when in the fifth paragraph John Paul
cried out “Peace in Iraq!” the crowd spontaneously burst into applause.
From that point forward, every reference to peace brought cheers. In the
end the pope was interrupted by applause campaign-style 15 times.
“With
the support of the international community, may the Iraqi people become
the protagonists of the collective rebuilding of their country,” John Paul
said. The carefully crafted sentence seemed designed to push the United
States on two points: the role of the United Nations, and the need for
the coalition to swiftly relinquish power to the Iraqis.
“Let
there be an end to the chain of hatred and terrorism, which threatens the
orderly development of the human family,” John Paul said. “May God grant
that we be free from the peril of a tragic clash between cultures and religions.”
On
April 22, Cardinal Achille Silvestrini, who served as the Vatican’s foreign
minister for 10 years under John Paul II, gave an interview to La Repubblica
in which he reflected on the pope’s peace initiative over the past few
months.
“In
the entire Christian world, there was a spontaneous consensus around the
pope never before seen,” Silvestrini said. “I don’t recall any epoch in
which the pope had such attention from Christians of the various confessions,
from patriarchs and bishops. It was as if all had said: ‘You are our spiritual
guide in this reflection on peace.’”
Silvestrini
said the pan-Christian support for the pope elicited a dream.
“I’m
thinking about an ecumenical convocation in which the exponents of the
Christian churches together with the pope could carry out a grand reflection
on the responsibility of Christians with respect to war,” he said.
A
new ecumenical consensus in favor of peace, Silvestrini argued, could be
the “good” to come from the “evil” of the Iraq conflict.
“The
sensation is spreading that we are arriving at a maturation in the history
of humanity,” Silvestrini said. “Just as at a certain point slavery was
abolished, and torture and the death penalty were condemned, we are now
dissolving the notion that war can ever be justified. Apart from defense
against aggression, but certainly not a preventive war.”
Silvestrini’s
reading may be rooted in the sentiments of “old Europe,” and one suspects
his “spreading sensation” is not quite universal. Some American Christians
would certainly question whether the pope’s anti-war position generated
an ecumenical consensus, or whether the Iraq conflict proves that war cannot
be justified. Some might argue that the revelations of torture chambers,
political prisons and mass graves in Saddam Hussein’s Iraq illustrate precisely
the opposite lesson: that sometimes force is necessary to confront an evil
regime.
Nevertheless,
the Silvestrini interview makes clear that John Paul II and his Vatican
lieutenants have not altered their diagnosis that the conflict in Iraq
was unjustified, and that Christians must take the lead in banishing war
as an instrument of foreign policy.
*
* *
For
my money, one of the most interesting figures on the ecclesiastical scene
in Rome is not a Vatican official, a priest, or even a practicing Catholic.
He is instead a professor of political science at the University of Perugia
and an editorial writer for Italy’s most respected daily newspaper, Corriere
della Sera, named Ernesto Galli della Loggia.
Despite
the fact that, by his own admission, Galli della Loggia stopped believing
in God a long time ago, he is nevertheless much-courted by the Catholic
establishment here. Recently he took part in a round table with Cardinal
Joseph Ratzinger at the Opus Dei-sponsored Santa Croce University. He has
appeared on similar panels with Cardinal Camillo Ruini, the vicar of the
diocese of Rome and president of the Italian bishops’ conference, who is
known to be a fan. (Galli della Loggia’s wife, Lucetta Scaraffia,
is a contributor to the official newspaper of the Italian bishops’ conference,
L’Avvenire).
When
Galli della Loggia enters a room packed with birettas and scarlet
silk, he is often the lone lay VIP. How does he do it?
Broadly
speaking, Galli della Loggia belongs to the political right, and
hence is a sympathetic figure to many churchmen in a country where the
left and the Church are traditional foes. In some ways, his status as a
non-believer is useful, since any Church-friendly analysis he offers cannot
be written off as the predictable line of the clerical caste. It also doesn’t
hurt that his ideas appear on the front page of the one newspaper (other
than L’Osservatore Romano) that you can be sure virtually every
Vatican official reads on a daily basis.
I
visited Galli della Loggia in his Rome apartment on April 18 to talk about
the war, the Catholic Church, and the United States.
He
said he was surprised not by the Holy See’s position on the war, but by
the tone of its opposition, and especially by what he saw as its uncritical
commentary about Iraq. Galli della Loggia noted that in John Paul’s United
Nations speeches on peace, the pope had always placed his message in the
context of human rights. Yet the pope has not used human rights language
much during the Iraq crisis. Galli della Loggia suggested this may be because
references to human rights would invite awkward questions about the brutal
character of the Saddam Hussein government.
How
does Galli della Loggia explain the Vatican tilt against the American position?
First,
there are historic reservations some have always felt about the United
States. Despite the fact that Pius XII was known as the “chaplain of NATO,”
many Europeans in the Vatican have long harbored doubts about an Atlantic
alliance dominated by the Americans. Such a system, they felt, would signal
the victory of Protestant America over Catholic Europe.
Second,
Galli della Loggia says that despite Bush’s sincere religious belief, and
despite an alignment of interests between Washington and the Vatican on
issues such as abortion and cloning, the cluster of Protestant “radicals”
such as John Ashcroft in the Bush administration is troubling to some in
the Holy See.
Finally,
there is the desire of the Vatican, and especially John Paul II, to deliver
a message of solidarity to the Islamic world, in order to avoid a long-feared
“clash of civilizations” between Christianity and Islam.
On
this third score, Galli della Loggia sees a subtle realpolitik calculation
by the Vatican.
“They
probably think that no matter what the pope says, American Catholics will
be okay and the American administration will still see the Vatican as a
great global institution. In that sense, there’s nothing to lose by coming
out against the Americans, and everything to gain by siding with Islam,”
he said.
Galli
della Loggia then made the interesting observation that it was the most
Catholic countries of Europe – Spain, Italy and Poland – whose governments
backed the U.S. on the war, while it was France and Germany, the birthplaces
of Revolution and Reformation respectively, that sided with the pope.
How
to explain this paradox?
Basically,
Galli della Loggia said, it’s a sign of the political weakness of
the Catholic Church in Europe. It does not have the throw-weight to determine
policy, even in nations where ostensibly friendly governments are in power.
We
also discussed the future of Europe, currently locked in debate over its
“constitutional document.” Galli della Loggia doesn’t understand the Vatican’s
push for an explicit reference to the religious roots of Europe.
“If
the Catholic Church wants to be a global institution, it doesn’t make sense
to identify itself with its European roots,” he argued.
On
the current breach between the United States and Europe, Galli della Loggia
believes it is destined to remain. Europe has ceased to believe in war
as an instrument of politics, Galli della Loggia said, because it is incapable
of judging its own military past in positive terms. The United States,
on the other hand, sees itself playing a global role in the promotion of
democracy and human rights, and believes its use of force in support of
these ideals is just.
As
for the Vatican, Galli della Loggia says that the Iraq crisis exposed a
fundamental weakness in its foreign policy – hesitation to confront corrupt
regimes in the developing world.
“The
Vatican wants to be a global voice of conscience, supporting developing
nations,” Galli della Loggia said. “Often they express this support
by spouting the same economic formula they always recycle, blaming rich
nations for poverty. …But the principal obstacle to social and economic
development is not the West, but dictatorial and corrupt regimes that strangle
their own people. Catholic missionaries and even the Vatican polemicize
against the West, hiding local responsibility. They’re afraid of being
tossed into the ‘Western’ mix if they make problems for these governments.”
“Ironically,
the only governments the Church criticizes are in the West, where it knows
it won’t have to pay any price because those governments respect human
rights,” Galli della Loggia said.
One
can of course differ with Galli della Loggia’s assessments. But he is a
fascinating conversationalist, one who has the Vatican’s ear, and it pays
to listen.
*
* *
By
any standard, Tommy Thompson, the Secretary of Health and Human Services
under President George Bush, is a very Catholic guy. He’s a regular Mass-goer
and a friend of Washington’s Cardinal Theodore McCarrick. (The two of them
sometimes slip out for beers together). While in Rome during Holy Week,
he attended virtually all of the papal liturgies. Thompson has an aunt
who just died at age 93 after 73 years as a Dominican nun. He also has
a Jesuit cousin, Fr. Robert Welch, who teaches political science at Loyola
Marymount University in Los Angeles.
Yet
despite his Catholic pedigree, Thompson is not willing to take all his
political cues from the clergy.
This
became clear in an hour-long session with three Catholic news agencies,
including NCR, that Thompson was gracious enough to grant on the
morning of April 18 (Good Friday).
The
breaking news out of that interview was Thompson’s request for Vatican
collaboration on American post-war rebuilding projects in Afghanistan and
Iraq, as well as elsewhere in the developing world. (That story can be
found at
www.nationalcatholicreporter.org/update/bn042103.htm
I
also asked Thompson, however, some philosophical questions about the recent
Vatican document On Some Questions Regarding the Participation of Catholics
in Political Life. It insisted that Catholic politicians must be “coherent,”
meaning that their policy choices must be aligned with church teaching
on morality. The document specifically names the defense of the human embryo
as one such issue. Thompson, who is anti-abortion, is nevertheless a supporter
of research involving embryonic stem cells. How, I wanted to know, does
he square these positions?
Thompson
said he was aware of the document but had not read it. He defended the
compromise policy he helped engineer, under which stem cells may be extracted
for research purposes from embryos frozen before Aug. 9, 2001.
“Our
position does not encourage other destructions, and it does not encourage
people to have babies solely for building a supply of stem cells,” Thompson
said. “I feel morally correct. I think it’s in line with church teaching
that instead of throwing valuable resources away we make use of them …
I would love to talk to the pope about it.”
While
Vatican officials said at the time they were pleased that Bush did not
adopt a more liberal policy, they nevertheless denounced the precedent
that embryos may be used for research purposes.
In
general, Thompson said, he cannot base political choices exclusively on
positions taken by the Catholic Church.
“I
have to minister to the needs of all Americans, not just Catholics,” he
said. “I have to minister to the needs of citizens, the majority of whom
are not believers in the Catholic Church. I can’t do my job, carrying out
the policies of this administration and previous administrations, by solely
relying on Catholic teachings.”
He
also commented on the clash between Bush and the pope over the war.
“If
I had my druthers, I would rather have had the pope on my side,” Thompson
said. “But we have much better information than the pope about what’s going
on inside Iraq and what would happen in the rest of the Middle East.”
“The
pope is concerned about innocent children and citizens, and so are we,”
Thompson said. “We can show with empirical evidence and data that we have
saved men, women and children from torture, from rapes and murders, in
Afghanistan and Iraq,” he said.
I’ve
written a story based on the interview that will be available in next week’s
print edition of NCR.
Thompson
came off as an affable political professional genuinely concerned about
issues such as HIV/AIDS and early infant health care. He also seemed a
committed Catholic, but one unwilling to take direction at the policy level
from church authorities, whose good intentions he feels are not always
matched by convincing information or argument.
Catholics
in the Bush administration have been walking that fine line a lot lately.
*
* *
Coverage
of the Vatican around the world suffers from a peculiar malady, which is
dependence upon the Italian papers. Since most journalists who follow the
Vatican don’t do so full-time, they often end up cribbing material from
the local press. This is natural, but it can also be dangerous. Italian
journalism is distinguished by strong personalities and sparkling writing,
but not always by scrupulous concern for facts.
Italian
journalists sometimes publish speculation or hunches on the grounds that
doing so will “flush out” the truth. Often these stories seem to be driven
by a political agenda, written by journalists aligned with one or another
political faction. All this is basically considered in-bounds.
Fair enough; I suppose every culture gets the journalism it’s willing to
tolerate, and God knows English-language journalism has its own foibles.
It becomes a global problem, however, when reporters working in other languages
lift news items from the Italian papers without confirmation, either because
they don’t know better or because they’re impatient for a scoop. These
“news bulletins,” often based on nothing but thin air, make their way around
the world thanks to the Internet, causing all manner of frenzy. Even after
the facts are settled, misimpressions endure because most readers don’t
bother to follow the bouncing ball until it finally lands on the truth.
Last
week offered a classic example.
On
Easter Sunday, the Roman daily Il Messaggero reported that three
of the four bishops ordained illicitly by traditionalist Archbishop Marcel
Lefebvre in 1988 were to be “reconciled” with the Vatican on May 24. The
setting was to be a Latin Mass at Rome’s Basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore,
to be celebrated by Colombian Cardinal Dario Castrillón
Hoyos. Such a breakthrough would signal a healing of the only formal
rupture in the wake of the Second Vatican Council (1962-65), led by Lefebvre’s
Society of St. Pius X, which rejects the council’s liturgical reforms as
well as its treatment of ecumenism, inter-faith dialogue, and religious
liberty.
The
story is not true.
That
inconvenience, however, did not stop rumors from spreading. The April
21 London Times basically rewrote the Il Messaggero story.
Once the Times story broke, it was off to the races. One Catholic
news agency sent out a “breaking news” alert stating: “Today’s top story,
about the rumors of a reconciliation between the Holy See and the traditionalist
Society of St. Pius X, might be classified as ‘speculative.’ We're not
prepared to say that the published reports are accurate. But we certainly
can say that the rumor mill is buzzing.”
In
the meantime, denials began to pour in.
“The
only thing true is the scheduled Mass on May 24. Beside this, there is
nothing true in this new hoax,” Fellay told me the morning of April 22.
“I guess it is a rumor circulating in the curia, a pious wish, or a test
to maybe try to divide us.”
Tissier
released a statement April 21.
“This
is a rumor thrown by Rome in an attempt to divide us,” Tissier wrote. “We
four bishops are all together and not divided. We do not seek ‘reconciliation’
with Rome unless Rome converts back to Catholic Tradition, back to the
traditional Catholic Profession of Faith.”
All
this left some readers fulminating. On Monday, as things were still unclear,
a reader from Australia sent me the following message: “Should this news
item turn out to be false it would be exceptionally reckless and irresponsible
of Il Messaggero. Surely if the article is shown to be a fabrication
Il Messaggero would lose all credibility?”
It’s
a question only an Anglo-Saxon would ask.
Let
me note for the record that the Vatican writer for Il Messaggero,
Orazio Petrosillo, is a valued colleague and friend who has some of the
best connections in the business. No one who is serious about following
Vatican affairs can neglect his work. In this case, however, something
went awry.
To be honest, anyone
following the on-again, off-again talks between the Vatican and the Pius
X movement should have known the reported détente was improbable.
On
March 30 Fellay granted an interview, the full text of which can be found
on the Pius X web site. “In Rome, they should understand that there is
a crisis in the Church and that it comes from the Council. But they won’t
hear of it. … It is important to grasp this point in order to understand
the impossibility of agreement, so long as they stand their ground,” Fellay
said, hardly sounding like a man on the verge of reconciliation.
I’d like to believe
people will learn from this, and will await confirmation of the latest
rumor before reacting to it. Given the attention span these days, however,
I suspect this will all be forgotten the next time a “breaking news” story
sprouts in e-mail boxes worldwide.
The e-mail address for John L. Allen Jr. is
jallen@natcath.org
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